How Reagan/Bush Spread Human Trafficking, Drugs and Crime Throughout Mexico

By Cathy O'Brien

Cathy O’Brien in Cozumel, Mexico, prior to prostitution to President del la Madrid, 1986

Trance-Formation of America

By Cathy O’Brien

Chapter 16

OPERATION GREENBACKS FOR WETBACKS

(1986) My CIA mind-control handler, Alex Houston, and I boarded the Norwegian Caribbean Lines ship bound for Cozumel, Mexico, with a large, black, soft-side suitcase packed full of cash and a proposal of “prosperity” from the U.S. This proposal, programmed in me by Vice President Bush, was supposedly initial diplomatic groundwork for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).

It was my understanding then that the North American Free Trade Agreement was considered a significant step in implementing the New World Order through mind manipulation of the masses. According to Senator Byrd, propaganda disguising the true purpose of NAFTA included the concept of “free trade,” which the U.S. and Mexican governments had long since shared. “Free trade” of child and adult mind-controlled slaves, cocaine, heroin and businesses has been no-so-secretly proliferating for years. My own father joined the “run for the border” via State-Department- and Mexican-subsidized business incentives, and had opened yet another branch of his Department-of-Defense-given business in Mexico. This was part of the “free trade” agreement that I know personally has been operating smoothly from at least 1984. In an effort to maintain the illusion that the agreement would not create a negative economic imbalance between Mexico and the U.S., tourist areas of Mexico were deiberately built up, enhanced and Americanized with U.S. dollars. These funds were provided through CIA covert black-budget operations of drug and slave trading, as well as directly through the Senate Appropriations Committee, of which Senator Robert C. Byrd is chairman as of this writing.

I certainly do not purport to understand international business, nor have I attempted to educate myself through what I know to be propaganda-slanted and filtered periodicals How money interfaces in world markets has been well documented. For example, who supports whom in which financial endeavors is apparently far too complex for even BCCI attorneys and investigators to sort through. My personal perspective on Mexican, U.S., and Saudi Arabian buildup of Mexico’s economy is limited to my own experiences. My understanding is further affected by the deliberate misinformation from the criminal perspectives of those who were in control of my mind’s knowledge base and actions. From time to time, Senator Byrd used me as a robotic sounding board. He told me what he wanted me to hear, and this was structured more toward stroking his own enormous, warped ego than it was to educate me in world finance.

Senator Byrd claimed, “the money game is simply a game of control,” and lives by his adopted Golden Rule of “He who holds the gold makes the rules.” He told me in so many words that “by appropriating funds to all (viable) projects ushering in the free trade agreement, and allocating lesser amounts to U.S. social systems such as our ‘criminal’ justice system, I control our country and our place in world markets. All the world is a stage, and I own the theater! . . . you can bank on it!”

Senator Byrd’s twisted reality echoed in my mind when America was bought (stolen) and sold by presidents Bush and Clinton in the recent passage of NAFTA.

“I would never run for president—Oh, I’d win if I did,” Byrd bragged. “But why should I run for an office that is beneath me? I can make a president look good, or I can make him look bad by strategically appropriating funds.” Byrd and others I knew boasted that he was one of those responsible for Bill Clinton’s being “chosen” and elected to the office of president. And the last-minute bids and dealings with those congressmen holding NAFTA’s deciding votes proved that “strategic appropriations” indeed made Clinton “look good” in his NAFTA “victory.”

El Cid Hotel, La Ceiba Resort

At the La Ceiba Hotel in Cozumel, Houston maintained my food and water deprivation for mind-control purposed, even during our dinner meeting in the hotel’s restaurant later that evening. Although the retaurant was officially closed due to the late hour, a mariachi band, one waiter, four stationed armed guards, my Mexican dignitary contact, his two assistants, and Houston and I were present. During the meeting, arrangements were made to meet with Vice President Salinas the next afternoon at a nearby military installation. I would also deliver a message as usual from Senator Byrd at the nearby consulate’s office, pertaining to U.S. financial support for creating propaganda to insure the illusion of economic equality in Mexican tourist areas. These funds were simply to further the ongoing shared goal of easing into New World Order domination through carefully contrived smoke-and-mirror tactics.

The next afternoon, Houston escorted me to the high-security government installation for my meeting with Salinas. According to Bush, Salinas was regarded as superior in power to Miguel de la Madrid, who was officially president. The upcoming Mexican “election,” which was no more an election than Reagan’s second term, was to place Salinas in the office of president to coincide with Bush’s election (1988). To insure that this “strategically placed American patriot” woud be voted into office, Reagan informed me that the U.S. would “guard the integrity” of elections by covertly overseeing them, among other strategies. Sainas was to be president at all costs.

Carlos Salinas de Gortari; Miguel de la Madrid

Although President de la Madrid was considered a stepping stone to the ultimate reign of Salinas/Bush, he was treated with all due respect in a manner conducive to “no margins for error.” His full cooperation was essential to establishing Bush’s and Salinas’ goals via free-flowing drug markets and Mexico’s cooperation in covertly funding Reagan’s Nicaraguan Contras [counter-revolutionary mercenaries]. De la Madrid worked in close association with Salinas so that a smooth transition of power would maintain U.S.-Mexican relations and efforts already in place.

“A message to Salinas is a message to the president,” Cheney had explained. Not only would the message be relayed to de la Madrid, but for the most part Salinas was the one responsible for working with Bush, since they would both come to power during the most critical point in the promotion of NAFTA—passing it by the American people and into law. Reagan, de la Madrid, Bush and Salinas were all “of one mind, one effort” toward economic expansion and growth for our southern “neighbors in the New World Order,” though what I experienced was based on “free trade” of drugs, children and pornography. Bush told me that this activity was regarded as Mexico’s “only means of rapid economic advancement and freedom from poverty, since the people were slaves to their own inability to advance in world markets.”

When I arrived at the military installation with the aforementioned suitcase of cash in hand, I was taken to Salinas’ “office” through a series of electronic gates guarded by officers in white uniforms. Salinas sat at his desk, which was small and functional (military issue), set on a highly polished wooden floor in a vast room virtually void of decor and personal effects. This created an air of military practicality. I set the suitcase in front of Salinas and began relaying the message I had been programmed to deliver.

“I have a message from the vice president of the United States of America to our neighbors in Mexico. America is willing to share its wealth through a trade agreement with Mexico. We’ll trade our cash for control over Mexico’s cocaine and heroin production. By controlling your drug industry, we can open the border between our countries to allow a free flow of cocaine and heroin into the U.S., bought and paid for in American dollars to build Mexico.

“Eventually, this could dissolve the border between our countries altogether as Mexico’s economy grows to match ours. If we begin today, this dream could be realized by the turn of the century—sharing the same continent, sharing the same wealth. Why? The drug industry already dictates what the Mexican government can or cannot do. By giving the U.S. control of your drug industry, Mexico regains control over her government. Re-established power backed by U.S. dollars will bring Mexico on an economic par with America.

“We can begin by spreading the word through the cartels that the U.S. is covertly willing to open the borders to free drug trade by making agents available to show you the passage and routes through which the drugs are to be delivered. Only U.S. agents can bring Mexican heroin and (South American) cocaine across the border, and likewise they will bring the cash in. Explain to those select few who control the drug empires that the cruise line (NCL) agreement is going into mass expansion, tearing down the border between our countries enough to allow for as many drugs to come in as Mexico can deal out.

“When do we begin? Immediately. The cash is at hand.” (I gestured toward the suitcase, which Salinas unzipped to find full of cash.) “Deliver whatever amount of brown heroin you have at hand as a means of confirmation to the agreement. Keep the change as a token of the change and good fortune that has befallen Mexico from its neighboring nation.”

As I finished Bush’s message, Salinas immediately took a note pad from the desk and scrawled a quick note. He passed it to a guard who was stationed at the door. He stood up, smiled, and leaned over his desk as he extended his hand in a warm handshake. I was escorted out. Houston found me on the front steps of the installation and together we were escorted through the barbed wire fences and back onto the streets of Cancun.

I waited in a small clearing nearby for an indeterminate length of time, playing with a large iguana. Finally, a taxi cab pulled up and the drive honked his horn three times, signaling me to go retrieve a fist-sized ball of Mexican brown heroin. The heroin was crudely wrapped in brown paper, tied with twine, and was approximately the size of a baseball. As quickly as the cab left, Houston, who was standing some distance away with two uniformed men, signaled me to join him. We were then driven to the airport, where we boarded an Air Force plane to Washington.

Immediately upon arrival at Andrews Air Force Base just outside of D.C., I was taken to Senator Byrd, who then escorted me to Dick Cheney’s Pentagon office for a meeting with Bush. I was ill and vomiting from the high-voltage electrocution administered in Mexico to compartmentalize my memory. I was allowed to use Byrd’s magnetic pass key card to unlock the maze of doors that led to the ladies room.

I was still wearing my inappropriate-for-D.C. cruise clothes and carrying the heroin in my tote bag when I met with Bush to confirm Mexico’s agreement to his proposal. bush took the heroin for himself, obviously pleased with the quality of the product. Cheney laughed and told Bush he needed to “confiscate the Contra-band.”

Bush replied, “Over my dead body” as he laughed at Cheney’s Contra joke.

“If you don’t share some of it, that could be the case,” Cheney said. “Pitch it here.”

Bush struck a pitch pose, wound up, made a fake-out pitch, and joked in baseball banter, “It’s a high fly ball. You’re going to have to steal.” He tossed the heroin in the air, caught it, and strode for the door. Cheney got out of his chair, pointed to the door, and ordered me, “Out.”

George Herbert Walker Bush at Phillips Academy in 1941

Houston and I were flown in to Montego Bay, Jamaica and transported to Ocho Rios to board our next NCL cruise ship.